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Sir Anthony Eden Resigns

This article is more than 67 years old
Sir Anthony Eden resigned as Prime Minister following ill health and controversy surrounding the Suez crisis.
Choice of Successor Still in Doubt

Sir Anthony Eden resigned the office of Prime Minister yesterday because, in the opinion of four doctors, "his health will no longer enable him to sustain the heavy burdens inseparable from the office of Prime Minister."

The doctors signed their report on Sir Anthony's health on Tuesday, and Sir Anthony announced last night that "I do not feel that it is right for me to continue in the office as the Queen's First Minister knowing that I shall be unable to do my full duty by my Sovereign and the country."

Sir Anthony's poor health-and no one need doubt that he has not been up to the mark physically for some time-has been accompanied by a developing weakness in the Government. It may be a case of cause and effect. However that may be, it is certainly true that on political grounds alone there was reason for Sir Anthony's resignation.

His Suez policy was attacked at its inception by some Conservatives and the vast majority of members of other political parties. The sudden ending of the Suez campaign dismayed those who had praised its inception, and the consequences of the blocking of the Suez Canal have produced an economic situation in this country which can be mastered only if the government makes a great moral and physical effort.

Double task

This double task was evidently beyond Sir Anthony's resources. He thus ends a tragically unrewarding term as Prime Minister. It began on April 6, 1955, and was given an apparently brilliant send-off by the general election of May 26,1955, when the Tories made history by increasing their majority after a period of office. But the mood of those who gave Sir Anthony this splendid start was not managed skilfully enough to ensure continuous support through the vicissitudes which followed.

Sir Anthony entered the chief office with a fine reputation in the international field, and it is a personal disaster for him with which there will be much sympathy that he either had to wait too long for the post or that his equipment was found to be too tender for the task.

In his personal statement Sir Anthony said:

"When I returned to this country a month ago I hoped that my health had been sufficiently restored to enable me to carry out my duties effectively for some considerable time. That has not been realised."

"I do not feel that it is right for me to continue in office as the Queen's first Minister, knowing that I shall be unable to do my full duty to my Sovereign and the country. I have therefore decided, with the utmost regret, that I must tender my resignation to the Queen, which her majesty has been graciously pleased to accept."

The medical bulletin, signed by Sir Horace Evans, Sir Gordon Gordon-Taylor, Dr Thomas Hunt and Dr Ralph Southward, said:

"The Prime Minister's health gives cause for anxiety. In spite of the improvement which followed his rest before Christmas there had been a recurrence of abdominal symptoms. This gives us much concern because of the serious operations in 1958 and some subsequent attacks of fever. In our opinion his health will no longer enable him to sustain the heavy burdens inseparable from the office of Prime Minister."

Ministers stay in office

Last night the Government was without a head. Technically, there were no Ministers either, for when a Prime Minister resigns he tenders the resignations of all his colleagues at the same time. In fact, those who were Ministers until 7 p.m. last night will continue in their offices until a new Prime Minister has been appointed and has formed a new Government.

As in the case of the hand-over from Sir Winston Churchill to Sir Anthony Eden, there will be a slight delay before the formation of a new Government begins. Sir Winston resigned on one day and Sir Anthony was called to Buckingham Palace the next day.

It is possible that in the present case there may be even longer delay, for Sir Anthony's successor has not been so clearly defined as Sir Winston's was. Will Mr Butler or Mr Macmillan be asked to try to form a new Government, and would either succeed easily in forming one? The invitation is at the discretion of the Sovereign, who normally seeks advice-from the retiring Prime Minister, among others.

The question of advice in the present case is of the utmost importance. If any individual were given the Queen's commission to form a Government to-day there might be no time for the formal opinion of Conservative members of both Houses of Parliament to be given to party leaders of such standing that their advice might be sought by the Queen.

There is a strong element among conservative M.P.s who blame Mr Butler for having stayed Sir Anthony's hand in the Suez adventure. As far as Suez is to be the test, this element would prefer to serve under Mr Macmillan. Hitherto, however, the Cabinet has preserved the doctrine of collective responsibility: there have been no resignations from the Cabinet at any stage of the Suez affair. Moreover, the temper of the Conservative party conference at Llandudno in October was hotly in favour of a militant Suez policy.

Cost of Suez

On the other hand, the cost of Suez is only too apparent; and those Tories who know that this country could not have afforded a long campaign, who resent the breach in Anglo-American relations, who support the United Nations, and are sensitive about the damage caused to Commonwealth relations, are on the whole Butler men. Mr Butler also had a great personal success during the Llandudno conference.

Suez apart, it would be astounding if in present circumstances Mr Butler were not given the first invitation to try to form a Government. The passing-over of Mr Butler in favour of, say, Mr Macmillan at this stage would be a sign of so deep a cleavage in the Tory party as to threaten the new Government from the start. In terms of seniority within the party hierarchy, experience of office, and party "soundness" Mr Butler's claims exceed those of Mr Macmillan. As for the impalpable qualities of leadership and personality, the comparison is less easy. Neither Mr Butler nor Mr Macmillan has established himself as heir-apparent in this respect.

Mr Butler might be the first man invited to form a Government, and fail. That would spell the approaching end of this period of Tory Power. It seems much more probable that whichever man was first invited to form a Government would succeed, unless the Tories are tired of office (as a few of them are when the results of policy are so unsatisfactory).

Dangerous situation

But it would be possible for Mr Butler to form a Government without the presence of Mr Macmillan-and vice-versa. This would produce almost as dangerous a situation for the Tory party as that which would follow a complete failure to form a Government by the individual who had accepted the Queen's commission to try to do so.

There will undoubtedly be strong pressures from powerful individuals within the Tory party to secure that whoever tries to form a Government first should succeed; that Mr Macmillan should continue in office under Mr Butler, or Mr Butler should accept office under Mr Macmillan; and that the party should use the power it already possesses in the House of Commons to sustain the Government for its normal term. Both Sir Anthony and Mr Macmillan have spoken as though they expected the Government to run to normal term. But, if a new Government were formed which was threatened by any group of Tory members in the House, the new Prime Minister might well seek an early dissolution to test his standing with the country and the party as a whole.

Labour can only watch and wait hopefully, with attacks developing on carefully chosen ground.

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